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Fading voice of the people | The Indian Express

Fading voice of the people | The Indian Express

Parliament is being weakened as executive becomes more domineering


Fading voice of the people

Parliament is being weakened as executive becomes more domineering

Written by Kalikesh Narayan Singh Deo | Published: May 19, 2018 12:48:20 am
Parliament is being weakened as executive becomes more domineering
The primary function of Parliament is to facilitate deliberation and enact laws. However, the present political climate has created a dramatic democratic paradox. 

There has been a steady decline in the significance of Parliament, which once took pride in being the highest sovereign authority in India. The Constitution held that all three branches of the state — executive, legislature and judiciary — be independent and act as a check and balance on each other. But the legislature’s role has been reduced to a rubber stamp endorsing executive action. The larger malaise lies in the fact that the executive has gained immense power by the virtue of the prime minister being the leader of the executive and the majority party.
The primary function of Parliament is to facilitate deliberation and enact laws. However, the present political climate has created a dramatic democratic paradox. What is the impact of an MP if he cannot represent his constituents and take an alternative stand from his party on a particular issue? Parliament has turned into a game with the council of ministers deciding policy matters and the majority party subsequently voting for it.
The three-line whip and the anti-defection law further curtails the freedom and independence of MPs. In contrast to what the Constitution demands of them, MPs now succumb to the whims and fancies of their political masters irrespective of their individual views. The anti-defection law was enacted during the time of “aaya Ram-gaya Ram” in 1985 when one legislator changed parties during a vote of confidence. To assume that all MPs would act similarly is to debase the legislature and the nation as a whole. Eventually, such MPs would suffer in the course of the next election, but impinging on the freedom of the legislators is the larger evil. Even if such laws didn’t exist, MPs would still be inclined to vote according to their party line to maintain favour with their political masters.
The gradual loss of confidence in the arbiters of Parliament adds to its declining quality. In my 10 years as an MP, I have witnessed the rules of the proceedings being violated or subverted to suit the ruling disposition. The opportunity to hold the government accountable is persistently lost or diluted. Answers to questions are either misleading or incomplete; opportunity for discussion under rule 193 is given only to the ruling disposition or the principal opposition. What is the credibility of the presiding officers when they function as representatives of the government rather than being guardians of the House?
The Lok Sabha Speaker did not take up the no-confidence motion moved by several opposition parties through the recent session on the ground that the House is not in order. How did the same Speaker session allow the passage of the nation’s Budget and Finance bill within minutes of their amidst utter chaos and disruption in the House? Presiding officers have to be seen to be above political compulsions and it is important that rules, traditions and conventions are followed.
Parliamentary disruptions have become the norm. The second phase of the Budget Session was washed out at the expense of burning issues like the PNB scam, Aadhaar leaks, and electoral bonds. There is little to be gained when MPs protest, display politically-motivated theatrics and bad behaviour on national television. We become a disgrace to the citizens. Currently, the entire political system works to suppress the voices of MPs. In any political system, there is always a jostling for space and power. As the legislature loses relevance, we find its space unfailingly being filled up by the executive and judiciary.
The ordinance-making power and the imposition of the President’s rule are freely used by the executive, diluting the significance of the legislature. President’s rule was conceived by the British to overthrow elected provincial governments. But those who fought against it now use the preposterous power to tame democracy. Out of 124 instances of the imposition of the President’s rule, it has been abused almost 75 per cent of the times. Is this a sign of a mature democracy?
If the executive is keen to keep the judiciary at bay, it is important to reinstate the dignity of Parliament and legislators. The role of presiding officers of both the Houses has to be above question. The executive will have to let go of the sweeping control it has to ensure that Parliament attains the objectives envisioned by the framers of the Constitution.
It is also imperative to bring in electoral-political reforms to free MPs from the growing autocratic structure of political parties. There is a need to introduce intra-party democracy in the selection process of candidates to tackle the problem of dynasty, wealth and power.
Unless we as a polity become more transparent, responsible and bipartisan in our actions, we will never attain the trust of the public we once enjoyed. We will not emerge from the ashes that we have been relegated to and Parliament will only fade further, ultimately weakening the foundation of our democracy.
The writer is a Lok Sabha MP from the Biju Janata Dal
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